This study aims to explore the recognition of and attitudes concerning North Korean politics by 5 year-old kindergarteners, their parents, and teachers. To do this, after investigating parents' and teachers' potentials of primary political socialization with reference to North Korea, the study will compare the attitudes of children, their parents, and teachers concerning North Korea in light of these potentials.
To complete this study successfully, 1 had interviews with or gave out questionnaires to 237, 5-year-old kindergarteners, their parents (318 in total), and their teachers (101 in total). In particular, to compare the attitudes of the children, their parents, and teachers concerning North Korean politics, I utilized interviews and questionnaires conducted with 186 children and their parents as well as 35 teachers. The data gathered from interviews and questionnaires were analysed by means of the electronic data processing program "SPSS/PC+ 8.0", through x^(2) test and phi(Φ) correlation analysis test. Significance level set up for the verification of this study is p＜.05.
The conclusion of this study is as follows:
1. The recognition of and attitude concerning North Korean politics by 5 year-old kindergarteners, their parents, and teachers.
To investigate children's attitudes concerning North Korean politics, I classified those fields into several categories. North Korean political community, the structure of North Korean political authority, North Korean children, the media of information transmission in the field of North Korean politics. To examine the recognition of North Korean politics by parents and teachers, the fields were divided into the North Korean political community and the structure of North Korean political authority. In order to understand their attitudes concerning North Korean politics, studies on North Korean political community, the structure of North Korean political authority, and North Korean children were systematically conducted. Also, the media of information transmission in the North Korean politics are unveiled through the investigation of several fields. As a result, I have reached the following conclusion.
First, unlike their parents and teachers, children are not inclined to understand North Korean politics. children are more familiar with North Korean children than any other sectors of society, while their parents and teachers have more knowledge about the structure of North Korean political authority.
Second, not only children, but also their parents and teachers have more affirmative attitudes concerning the structure of North Korean political authority than do either the political community or children in North Korea. A remarked attention is given to the fact that parents or teachers expect that their children's views concerning North Korean children will be more favorable than theirs.
Third, unable to gain Information on North Korean politics through diverse media, children, their parents, and teachers are heavily dependent on television. In spite of their dependency on televison, parents and teachers are liable to distrust the information about North Korea.
2. Parents' and teachers' potentials of primary political socialization with reference to North Korea.
To investigate parents' and teachers' potentials of primary political socialization with reference to North Korea, I asked parents to what extent they talked about North Korea or reunification with their children. Also, I asked teachers about the education on North Korea or reunification in kindergartens. After analysing the research, I reached the following conclusion.
First, parents' and teachers' potentials of primary political socialization with reference to North Korea are not sufficient so as to enable children to become well educated.
Second, in kindergarten children do not obtain desirable education on North Korea or reunification. Without systematic education, they are occasionally educated by individual kindergartens or teachers.
3. The comparison of the attitudes of children, their parents, and teachers concerning North Korean politics.
To compare the attitudes of children, their parents, and teachers concerning North Korean politics, some fields were first classified according to several categories: their attitudes concerning the North Korean political community, the structure of North Korean political authority, North Korean people and children in particular. Next, each group wasI analysed and marked "favorable," or "unfavorable" in each category. The conclusions the study reached are as follows.
First, the attitudes of children, their parents, and teachers concerning the North Korean political community were examined in terms of their views on the North Korean economy and way of life. In the analysis, children had more "favorable" response than parents or teachers. Specifically, in their attitudes concerning the North Korean economy, children vs. parents and children vs. teachers contain meaningful correlation, while parents vs. teachers doesn't. Also, in their attitudes concerning North Korean way of lives, the study reached the same conclusion. Accordingly, in the process of children's formation of attitudes concerning North Korean political community, parents' and teachers' potentials of primary political socialization are relatively low.
Second, the attitudes of children, their parents, and teachers concerning the structure of North Korean political authority were scrutinized on the basis of their attitudes concerning Kim Il-Sung and Kim Jeong-Il. Specifically, in their attitudes concerning Kim Il-Sung, children vs. parents and parents vs. teachers are meaningfully correlated, while children vs. teachers are not. In their attitudes concerning Kim Jung-Il, the standards and attitudes of each group are not meaningfully correlated. Accordingly, in the formation of children's attitudes concerning the structure of North Korean political authority parents' and teachers' potentials of primary political socialization play a more important role than any other fields. However, there is a noticeable difference between the two cases. As to Kim Il-Sung, teachers' potentials are significantly crucial to the formation of children's attitudes. In the case of Kim Jeong-Il, the potentials of parents and teachers are influential but not enough to identify their difference in potentials.
Third, the attitudes of children, their parents, and teachers concerning North Korean children were investigated on the basis of general attitudes concerning them as well as their attitudes concerning the future relationship between our children and North Korean children. In their general attitudes concerning North Korean children, the three groups gave similar responses. In their attitudes concerning the future relationship between our children and North Korean children, parents and teachers gave more "favorable" responses than children. Specifically, in their general attitudes concerning North Korean children each group and its attitude do not reflect any correlation. In their attitudes concerning future relationship between our children and North Korean children, children vs. parents and of children vs. teachers, and of parents vs. teachers shows a negative correlation in the significance level of p＜.01. Accordingly, when general attitudes concerning North Korean children by our children are formed, parents' and teachers' potentials of primary political socialization play an important role, but do not identify the difference of potentials of parents and teachers. At the time of the formation of Korean children's attitudes concerning future relationship between our children and North Korean children parents and teachers lack potential in primary political socialization.
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