[학술논문] The Illusion of Victory North Korea’s War of Liberation Offensive and China’s Nuclear Rise, 1962~1966

During the 1960s, North Korea trumpeted war of liberation with added intensity and elevated unification as the nation’s top priority. This was intended to preclude Park Chung Hee’s political consolidation and obstruct Seoul’s diplomatic penetration in the Afro-Asian bloc. Previously, the accelerated promotion of Pyongyang’s war of liberation has been associated only loosely...

[학위논문] 한반도의 냉전종식과 남북한 평화공존에 관한 연구

...Soviet Union opposition and power expansion from independence, on August 15, 1945, relaxation of Korean Peninsula tensions by Cold War ideology from the Korean civil war, and Syngman Rhee's and Park Chung- hee's, rulers at the time, perception of the Korean Peninsula are studied. Second, the system of detente and change in situations on the Korean Peninsula. The form...

[학술논문] Analyzing the ROK, the US, and Japan’s perspectives on the Outbreak of the Panmunjom Axe Incident in 1976

...Assembly of the ROK expressed intense hostility toward the DPRK and communism. The US Congress condemned the Panmunjom Axe incident and addressed the ROK’s domestic human rights issues. The Park Chung- hee regime understood that the US Congress’s stance on the ROK was ambiguous and sought help from the US State Department. The Japanese government and the Liberal Democratic Party(LDP) agreed...

[학위논문] 대북방송의 정체성 변화와 프로그램 편성 연구

...psychological warfare during the Korean War, and its function intensified during the period of the Cold War confrontation as a tool for similar purposes. In July 1961 under the military government of Park Chung- hee that made anticommunism its top national policy agenda, the status of the North Korea broadcasting service was upgraded. As such, it was allowed to use channels that were exclusively allotted for...

[학술논문] Park Chung Hee’s Legacy, Revenge, and Capitalism: Party Politics and Corporate Restructuring in Korea

This research endeavors to show the centrality of party politics in corporate restructuring in Korea. Its main argument is that the commitment capacity of political parties is not strong enough to manage the conflicts between employers and unions in the labor relations whereas the threat capacity of them is powerful enough to frustrate the reform efforts of the state policymakers in the lawmaking arena