[학술논문] The Use of Force, Humanitarian Intervention, and the Responsibility to Protect - In the Light of a Recent North Korea Contingency Plan

...intervention would be regarded as lawful or not. Because of inaction from Security Council owing to veto power wielded by Permanent Member states or no endorsement from General Assembly due to lack of <em>consensus</em> among member states, there arises a legal impasse of being no action for supporting a proposed case of humanitarian intervention, overlooking the human rights catastrophe. With these cases the overwhelming...

[학술논문] 한일협정 후 한국 지식인의 일본 인식

...less a natural consequence than the result of influence by discourses on Japan in the Cold War Era. With the conclusion of Korea-Japan Treaty in 1965 without apology or compensation from Japan, the <em>consensus</em> &ldquo;Japan is coming again&rdquo;spread widely among Korean intellects. In particular, Koreans who had experienced the colonial rule of Japan had strong wariness against imperialistic economic...

[학술논문] 한국 안보딜레마의 의미와 우리의 선택: 주요현안과 대주변국관계

...and conflicts in our domestic politics, the choice between US-guaranteed Korean security and China-led security is likely to become polarized, making it more difficult to place our security on <em>national</em> <em>consensus</em>. However, one thing very clear is that we should keep in mind our experience with North Korea over the past half a century. North Korea has been exploiting the peace initiatives toward South...

[학위논문] 북한 핵 위기관리 연구 : 1차 핵위기를 중심으로

...limited options under this circumstance, it is imperative to take a more meticulous approach. However, an effective crisis management of the North nuclear problem is hardly feasible without building a <em>consensus</em> between Korea and the US. Therefore, the essence of future crisis management will count on a peaceful resolution of the North Korean nuclear issue via closer cooperation and coordination between...

[학위논문] 김대중정부의 대북 화해협력정책 : 성과와 한계

...Korea and North Korea, securing international support under the principle of self-settlement by South and North Koreas themselves and promotion of the policy on North Korea in accordance to the <em>national</em> <em>consensus</em>.<br /> The concrete directions of the policy to be promoted included implementation and realization of the South-North Basic Agreement through dialogues between the South and the North, activation...

[국내] 북한인권 개선을 위한 다면적 접근 원칙과 전략

...between the government and private sector, cooperation with the business community and so on.<br /> To maintain a consistent and sustainable human rights policy toward the North, it must foster a <em>national</em> <em>consensus</em> on such policy, effectively implementing it with proper level of pressure while at the same time, setting this as an urgent agenda for a dialogue between the South and North. Despite North Korea&#39;s...

[국내] ‘자유민주적 기본질서’에 기반한 민족공동체통일방안의 개편 방향 : 주요 쟁점과 과제

...the Yoon Suk-Yeol government will affect the revision and supplementation of the existing <em>National</em> Community Unification Formula, the official unification plan of the Korean government. The Article 4, which was newly established in the 9th amendment process by the ruling and opposition parties&rsquo; <em>consensus</em> after the June 1987 Democratic Uprising, has been interpreted as based on respect for human...

[국내] KINU 통일의식조사 2023: 한국의 자체적 핵보유 가능성과 여론

...개인의 태도 또한 정치 양극화의 영향을 받고 있기 때문일 것으로 추측된다고 결론짓는다.<br /> Ⅳ장은 대중은 일반적으로 정치적 사안에 대해 잘 모르거나 관심이 없고, 따라서 발달된 이념을 갖고 있지도 않기 때문에 대외정책에 있어서도 마찬가지로 무지하고 외부의 선동에 휩쓸리기 쉽다는 &lsquo;알몬드-리프만 합의(Almond-Lippmann <em>Consensus</em>)&rsquo;에 대한 재검토를 시도한다. 즉, 알몬드-리프만 합의에 따르면 사실상 대중들은 체계적인 이념 혹은 신념체계를 가지지 못한다. 이 주장을 북핵 위협과 한국의 정치이념 구조에 대입시키면, 보수 이념을 가진 사람이라고 해도 반드시 북핵 위협을 더 느끼거나 혹은 북한에 대해 부정적인 이미지를 가지고 있어야 할 이유는 없다는 결론이 나온다. 이를...